Today in our globalized world, where information can
travel almost instantly, failed states pose a perplexing dilemma for both the
global community and countries that could be directly affected. Our growing
awareness of these failed states test what standards we hold our global community
to. Failed states are now more dangerous with the rise of international,
non-state sponsored groups. For many countries this has left them with little choice
as to whether or not to intervene. In the case of the United States, our
involvement in Iraq would be an example of intervention with a failing state.
Their instability posed a threat to our ability to get the oil that our country
so desperately desires. But less often is it that case that a failed states
failure to regulate their country poses a security threat to another state.
This makes it harder for other states to discern when and how it would be best to
get involved. Though it doesn’t adhere to many of the qualities of a failed
state, North Korea can be thought of as a security threat to the US due to its
shortcomings. One can also not ignore the security threats that the extremist
groups in Iraq pose, but whether our involvement in Iraq’s affairs has made
matters worse is another question that needs to be asked.
Iraq’s
status as a failed state dates all the back to the Ottoman Empire, where it was
divided up into three different sections. Since then no government has been
able to successfully rule over these now combined three sections. The Shia, Sunni, and Kurds in the country
have faced rampant sectarian fighting that has resulted in the creation of
radical factions. The problem that this created for other countries was both a
security threat and instability in a region that exports huge quantities of
crude oil. In this case I would argue that the security threat was used to gain
support around military intervention where the bigger goal was to ensure
continued oil production (Iraq War). Currently there is a societal aspect to
the security threat because the extremists have been able to strike on other
states soil. The Islamic State commits crimes against people both within Iraq,
and outside Iraq’s borders. It also is slowly trying to build up enough power
to govern large portions of the country. Actions such as these pose a huge
threat to western countries because they oppose such actions. But what measures
could be effective at eliminating their power at this point is unclear.
North
Korea is a less obvious failed state. It is not their underdeveloped
government, but perhaps the over developed dictator (a cult of personality) who
is able to try and kill off any social unrest, opposition to the lack of civil
rights, and lack of economic growth. Similar to Iraq, North Korea too poses a
security threat. In their case it is not because of radical extremists, but due
to their leader’s desire to maintain power and if possible gain more. Though
extreme human rights abuses have not been seen by external observers (but are
well reported by escapees, and backed by satellite data), the lack of freedoms and
prosperity goes against the ideals of many western cultures. However the
implications of taking military actions against North Korea is much more
complex given its location as a China client state in Asia versus Iraq being in
the midst of broader turmoil in the Middle East.
Failed
states test how state’s moral compasses are aligned with their economic goals
and needs. The wealth and threat of a failed state certainly carry weight in
another state’s decision on whether or not to intervene. But at a more basic
human level, the condition of people in a failing state is a reflection of how poorly
people will be treated before other states can no longer ignore the problems at
hand. With each failed state it becomes clearer how failed states can breed
more discontent and decline throughout our world. The worst conditions reflect
back on everyone. What standards will our global community hold one another to?
What can the global community actually do? How do or can we enforce our values
on others? Should we try and intervene? These questions are becoming more
relevant and pressing as the reach of failed state’s conflict grows.
Hi, Amanda, this is such a reflective and thought-provoking post! You write that failed states test our global standards for humane conduct by pressing us to intervene at some point - but begging the question of us: at what point do we try to intervene? However, you also write that the "bigger" goal of intervention is to shut down security threats. Therefore, when we intervene, is the level of human rights violation really a question, or is the level of security threat the actual issue? I think the intensity of human rights violation might be a secondary question for today's interveners; when they finally intervene, they are not saying: "This is absolutely how far we will let the inhumanity go." But rather, they are saying: "This is absolutely how far we will let the threat to our own security go." Would you say this is the case, or would you argue for another opinion?
ReplyDeleteKatherine,
DeleteThank you, I definitely see the shades of gray when it comes to human rights violations as a huge dilemma for the international community. I think when human rights violations become so horrific that they threaten the idea of human security in our world is where the hard and fast line is drawn. This is not to say that many other forms of humans rights violations should go un touched, but rather that we should reflect as a global community and only allow how we would want to be treated to be the standard. I guess the "Golden Rule" never really goes away after elementary school. It's sad to see countries only intervening when it threatens their livelihood, security, and economic desires. But I definitely see that as the dominant choice in present day actions.